《中西思維隨筆》：014.「華元弭兵之盟」與「尼西阿斯和約」

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　　前篇留下的關鍵字是「華元」。
　　春秋時代，宋國華元曾經在魯成公十二年（前579年），促成了晉、楚弭兵之盟。那一年夏天五月癸亥日，這個合約在宋國西門之外，由晉國的士燮與楚國的公子罷、許偃簽訂了，合約內涵是這樣說的：「凡晉、楚無相加戎，好惡同之，同恤菑危，備救凶患。若有害楚，則晉伐之；在晉，楚亦如之。交贄往來，道路無壅；謀其不協，而討不庭。有渝此盟，明神殛之，俾隊其師，無克胙國。」大意是說：晉、楚兩國以後就不再對彼此動用武力，喜歡什麼、討厭什麼都要一致，一起體恤災難危害，一起救援陷於凶險、患難之中的國家。如果有想要對楚國不利的國家，那麼晉國就討伐他；如果有想要對晉國不利的國家，楚國也要討伐他。彼此交換人質，暢通道路。圖謀那些不合作、不搞和諧的人，討伐那些不朝貢的自大狂。有誰違背了這個盟約，明智的天神將用雷電殺死他，消滅他的軍隊，讓他無法繼續保有王位與國家。
　　晉、楚兩大國不鬥爭，那麼那些依附於兩大國的中小國，也就不用派兵參加戰爭了。這原本是個不錯的想法，但明顯違背人性。因此，這合約到了魯成公十五年就被楚國拋之腦後了。楚王將要把軍隊開向北邊時，楚國的令尹子囊不安的說：「才剛與晉國訂下盟約，現在就違背它，這樣可以嗎？」司馬子反聽後回答說：「敵人的情況對我方有利，就要前進，哪有什麼盟約呢？（敵利則進，何盟之有？）」這話可以說非常經典。
　　往後，宋國的向戌因為與晉國的執政（宰相）趙文子與楚國的令尹（宰相）子木相熟，於是想要藉由讓兩國簽訂弭兵之盟，獲取名聲。和平仍然維持不了多久，便又告吹了。
　　在西方，也有一個時間相近的例子。那是關於伯羅奔尼撒戰爭期間簽訂的一個合約。伯羅奔尼撒戰爭（Peloponnesian War）是指以雅典為首的「提洛同盟」與以斯巴達為首的「伯羅奔尼撒聯盟」兩造之間所發生的戰爭。
　　前421年3月雅典與斯巴達簽訂了停戰條約，又稱為尼西阿斯和約（Peace of Nicias），希望兩位事主能共同創造出五十年的和平狀態。合約內容有十八條之多，有興趣的讀者請參照參考資料，此處僅提三條：
　　第三條：在雅典人（連同他們的同盟者）和斯巴達人（連同他們的同盟者）之間，本條約的有效時間是五十年，無論是在陸地上或海上，不得有爾虞我詐或給予對方以損害的情事發生。
　　第五條：如果雙方發生爭執，其爭執應該依照雙方所同意的辦法，採取宣示或法律手續解決之。
　　第十八條：如果在認何問題上發現有疏漏之處，在不破壞誓詞的限度之內，通過雅典人和斯巴達人的雙方同意，並經過慎重的考慮之後，條約是可以修改的。（以上合約翻譯取自謝德風譯《伯羅奔尼撒戰爭史》，2000年商務印書館版。）
　　簽訂合約的斯巴達一方代表人是斯巴達國王雷斯托安那克斯（Pleistoanax），雅典一方的代表人是尼西阿斯（Nicias）。由於合約是這兩個當時雅典與斯巴達最有勢力的政治家所策劃的，因此就稱此條約為尼西阿斯和約。不過一如中國的弭兵之盟，這個合約在六年後，以雅典遠征西西里而告終。最後斯巴達擊敗雅典，取代了霸權，才結束了這場長達27年的伯羅奔尼撒戰爭。

　

（Parthenon神廟。PoodlesRock，1902）

　　值得一提的是，尼西阿斯被譽為當時最出色的軍事家。當初尼西阿斯之所以極力鼓吹和平，主要原因乃在於他希望能急流勇退，在他還沒有遭到災難時，繼續保持著他的榮譽，死後留名。「他認為只有避免一切的冒險行動，盡量使自己不倚靠幸運，這個目的才有可能達到。」
　　尼西阿斯的這個想法，不免讓我們想到了畫蛇添足的典故。那是關於戰國時代的例子。楚懷王的將領昭陽幫楚國討伐魏國，攻下了八個城池，就打算把軍隊轉去攻打齊國。齊王便派遣陳軫前去遊說昭陽，於是陳軫就用畫蛇添足的典故，說服了朝陽。大意是朝陽的功勞已經很大了，而且目前他的職位也已經當到了楚國的上柱國（大司馬），爵位達到了上執珪，比這個還大的只有令尹這個職位。當時楚國已經有令尹了，不可能讓他接掌這個位子。因此如果他再去攻打齊國，就算能打贏，官位、爵位都不會再增加；但若萬一有個意外，就什麼都沒有了。昭陽被說服了，於是就把軍隊帶回了楚國。戰國時代的策士，往往就靠著一張嘴，就把戰爭消弭於無形了。這些人又往往被稱為縱橫家。
　　關於戰爭與和平的說法，就在這邊一道提了。
　　中國方面比較有名的有司馬穰苴的說法：「古者，以仁為本，以義治之，之謂正；正不獲意則權；權出於戰，不出於仁也。是故，殺人安人，殺之可也；攻其國，愛其民，攻之可也；以戰去戰，雖戰可也。（古時候，用仁愛作為施政的根本，用正義來治理民眾，這叫做正規的舉措。正規的舉措不能獲得意志所要達到的目的，就要採取權變的措施。權變來自實戰的需求，不來自於仁愛。因此，如果殺掉一個人可以安撫其他的人，那麼殺掉他是可以的；攻擊敵人的國家，而愛護他的人民，那麼攻擊他是可以的；用戰爭去制止戰爭，即使發動戰爭也是可以的。）」（〈司馬法．仁本〉）
　　當然還有孫臏的說法：「德不若五帝，而能不及三王，智不若周公，曰：我將欲積仁義，飾禮樂，垂衣裳，以禁爭奪。此堯、舜非弗欲也，不可得，故舉兵繩之。（一個人的德行不如古時候的五位帝王，而能力不及古時候的三位開國君主，智慧不如周公姬旦，卻說：我想要累積仁義，修飾禮樂，用垂下衣裳的動作，來禁止人們爭奪的行徑。這種事情，堯與舜並不是不想要，是根本做不到，所以才藉由發動戰爭來制止人們的爭奪行徑啊！）」（〈孫臏兵法．見威王〉）
　　道理都是相近的，戰爭的手段是無法根除的，有時候為了和平，我們必須一戰。
　　西方的相近說法，最有名的也有兩個，可以說被引用到爛的地步。
　　亞里斯多德《尼各馬科倫理學》（Nicomachean Ethics）便曾說過：「戰爭才能帶來和平。（We make war so that we may live in peace.）」
　　另一個則是著名的羅馬軍事家韋格蒂烏斯（Vegetius），他在《兵法簡述》（Epitome of Military Science）中提到：「如果要和平，就要準備戰爭。」
　　說到這個，倒是有一件趣事不得不提。通常我們看到很多學術論文引用這句話時，都只會說這是出自一個羅馬人說的，卻不知道是哪個羅馬人說的。有些論文只是轉引了某些軍事研究員的轉引，而那些軍事研究員的話之所以被轉引，乃在於他們也沒給出出處。而他們之所以沒給出出處，乃在於他們根本就不知道。一群研究西方軍事的人，那麼愛引用這個羅馬人所說的話，卻居然沒看過這本書，未免令人感嘆了。


附註：
　　文中提到孫臏那段話，將在《暗箭》上「孫龐鬥智」他見到齊威王時重現。至於昭陽，則是孫臏在楚國的主要對手之一。

參考資料：

〈左傳．成公十二年〉：
　　宋華元克合晉、楚之成，夏，五月，晉士燮會楚公子罷、許偃。癸亥，盟于宋西門之外，曰：「凡晉、楚無相加戎，好惡同之，同恤菑危，備救凶患。若有害楚，則晉伐之；在晉，楚亦如之。交贄往來，道路無壅；謀其不協，而討不庭。有渝此盟，明神殛之，俾隊其師，無克胙國。」鄭伯如晉聽成，會于瑣澤，成故也。
〈左傳．成公十五年〉：
　　楚將北師，子囊曰：「新與晉盟而背之，無乃不可乎？」子反曰：「敵利則進，何盟之有？」申叔時老矣，在申，聞之，曰：「子反必不免。信以守禮，禮以庇身，信、禮之亡，欲免，得乎？」楚子侵鄭，及暴隧。遂侵衛，及首止。鄭子罕侵楚，取新石。欒武子欲報楚。韓獻子曰：「無庸，使重其罪，民將叛之。無民，孰戰？」

〈左傳．襄公二十七年〉：
　　宋向戌善於趙文子，又善於令尹子木，欲弭諸侯之兵以為名。如晉，告趙孟。趙孟謀於諸大夫。韓宣子曰：「兵，民之殘也，財用之蠹，小國之大菑也。將或弭之，雖曰不可，必將許之。弗許，楚將許之，以召諸侯，則我失為盟主矣。」晉人許之。如楚，楚亦許之。如齊，齊人難之。陳文子曰：「晉、楚許之，我焉得已﹖且人曰『弭兵』，而我弗許，則固攜吾民矣，將焉用之﹖」齊人許之。告於秦，秦亦許之。皆告於小國，為會於宋。
　　五月甲辰，晉趙武至於宋。丙午，鄭良霄至。六月丁未朔，宋人享趙文子，叔向為介。司馬置折俎，禮也。仲尼使舉是禮也，以為多文辭。戊申，叔孫豹、齊慶封、陳須無、衛石惡至。甲寅，晉荀盈從趙武至。丙辰，邾悼公至。壬戌，楚公子黑肱先至，成言於晉。丁卯，宋向①戌如陳，從子木成言於楚。戊辰，滕成公至。子木謂向戌，請晉、楚之從交相見也。庚午，向戌復於趙孟。趙孟曰：「晉、楚、齊、秦，匹也，晉之不能於齊，猶楚之不能於秦也。楚君若能使秦君辱於敝邑，寡君敢不固請於齊﹖」壬申，左師復言於子木，子木使馹謁諸王。王曰：「釋齊、秦，他國請相見也。」秋七月戊寅，左師至。是夜也，趙孟及子皙盟，以齊言。庚辰，子木至自陳。陳孔奐、蔡公孫歸生至。曹、許之大夫皆至。以藩為軍。
　　晉、楚各處其偏。伯夙謂趙孟曰：「楚氛其惡，懼難。」趙孟曰：「吾左還，入於宋，若我何﹖」辛巳，將盟於宋西門之外。楚人衷甲。伯州犁曰：「合諸侯之師，以為不信，無乃不可乎﹖夫諸侯望信於楚，是以來服。若不信，是棄其所以服諸侯也。」固請釋甲。子木曰：「晉、楚無信久矣，事利而已。苟得志焉，焉用有信﹖」大宰退，告人曰：「令尹將死矣，不及三年。求逞志而棄信，志將逞乎﹖志以發言，言以出信，信以立志。參以定之。信亡，何以及三﹖」趙孟患楚衷甲，以告叔向。叔向曰：「何害也﹖匹夫一為不信，猶不可，單斃其死。若合諸侯之卿，以為不信，必不捷矣。食言者不病，非子之患也。夫以信召人，而以僭濟之，必莫之與也，安能害我﹖且吾因宋以守病，則夫能致死。與宋致死，雖倍楚可也，子何懼焉﹖又不及是。曰弭兵以召諸侯，而稱兵以害我，吾庸多矣；非所患也。」

〈戰國策．齊策二．昭陽為楚伐魏〉：
　　昭陽為楚伐魏，覆軍殺將得八城，移兵而攻齊。陳軫為齊王使，見昭陽，再拜賀戰勝，起而問：「楚之法，覆軍殺將，其官爵何也？」昭陽曰：「官為上柱國，爵為上執珪。」陳軫曰：「異貴於此者何也？」曰：「唯令尹耳。」陳軫曰：「令尹貴矣！王非置兩令尹也，臣竊為公譬可也。楚有祠者，賜其舍人卮酒。舍人相謂曰：『數人飲之不足，一人飲之有餘。請畫地為蛇，先成者飲酒。』一人蛇先成，引酒且飲之，乃左手持卮，右手畫蛇，曰：『吾能為之足。』未成，一人之蛇成，奪其卮曰：『蛇固無足，子安能為之足。』遂飲其酒。為蛇足者，終亡其酒。今君相楚而攻魏，破軍殺將得八城，不弱兵，欲攻齊，齊畏公甚，公以是為名居足矣，官之上非可重也。戰無不勝而不知止者，身且死，爵且後歸，猶為蛇足也。」昭陽以為然，解軍而去。

修昔底德《伯羅奔尼撒戰爭史》第五卷第二章。 Thucydides, "History of the Peloponnesian War" Book 5, 13-24.
16Now, however, after the Athenian defeat at Amphipolis, and the death of Cleon and Brasidas, who had been the two principal opponents of peace on either side--the latter from the success and honour which war gave him, the former because he thought that, if tranquillity were restored, his crimes would be more open to detection and his slanders less credited--the foremost candidates for power in either city, Pleistoanax, son of Pausanias, king of Lacedaemon, and Nicias, son of Niceratus, the most fortunate general of his time, each desired peace more ardently than ever. Nicias, while still happy and honoured, wished to secure his good fortune, to obtain a present release from trouble for himself and his countrymen, and hand down to posterity a name as an ever-successful statesman, and thought the way to do this was to keep out of danger and commit himself as little as possible to fortune, and that peace alone made this keeping out of danger possible. Pleistoanax, again, was assailed by his enemies for his restoration, and regularly held up by them to the prejudice of his countrymen, upon every reverse that befell them, as though his unjust restoration were the cause; the accusation being that he and his brother Aristocles had bribed the prophetess of Delphi to tell the Lacedaemonian deputations which successively arrived at the temple to bring home the seed of the demigod son of Zeus from abroad, else they would have to plough with a silver share. In this way, it was insisted, in time he had induced the Lacedaemonians in the nineteenth year of his exile to Lycaeum (whither he had gone when banished on suspicion of having been bribed to retreat from Attica, and had built half his house within the consecrated precinct of Zeus for fear of the Lacedaemonians), to restore him with the same dances and sacrifices with which they had instituted their kings upon the first settlement of Lacedaemon. 17The smart of this accusation, and the reflection that in peace no disaster could occur, and that when Lacedaemon had recovered her men there would be nothing for his enemies to take hold of (whereas, while war lasted, the highest station must always bear the scandal of everything that went wrong), made him ardently desire a settlement. Accordingly this winter was employed in conferences; and as spring rapidly approached, the Lacedaemonians sent round orders to the cities to prepare for a fortified occupation of Attica, and held this as a sword over the heads of the Athenians to induce them to listen to their overtures; and at last, after many claims had been urged on either side at the conferences a peace was agreed on upon the following basis. Each party was to restore its conquests, but Athens was to keep Nisaea; her demand for Plataea being met by the Thebans asserting that they had acquired the place not by force or treachery, but by the voluntary adhesion upon agreement of its citizens; and the same, according to the Athenian account, being the history of her acquisition of Nisaea. This arranged, the Lacedaemonians summoned their allies, and all voting for peace except the Boeotians, Corinthians, Eleans, and Megarians, who did not approve of these proceedings, they concluded the treaty and made peace, each of the contracting parties swearing to the following articles:
18The Athenians and Lacedaemonians and their allies made a treaty, and swore to it, city by city, as follows;
1. Touching the national temples, there shall be a free passage by land and by sea to all who wish it, to sacrifice, travel, consult, and attend the oracle or games, according to the customs of their countries.
2. The temple and shrine of Apollo at Delphi and the Delphians shall be governed by their own laws, taxed by their own state, and judged by their own judges, the land and the people, according to the custom of their country.
3. The treaty shall be binding for fifty years upon the Athenians and the allies of the Athenians, and upon the Lacedaemonians and the allies of the Lacedaemonians, without fraud or hurt by land or by sea.
4. It shall not be lawful to take up arms, with intent to do hurt, either for the Lacedaemonians and their allies against the Athenians and their allies, or for the Athenians and their allies against the Lacedaemonians and their allies, in any way or means whatsoever. But should any difference arise between them they are to have recourse to law and oaths, according as may be agreed between the parties.
5. The Lacedaemonians and their allies shall give back Amphipolis to the Athenians. Nevertheless, in the case of cities given up by the Lacedaemonians to the Athenians, the inhabitants shall be allowed to go where they please and to take their property with them: and the cities shall be independent, paying only the tribute of Aristides. And it shall not be lawful for the Athenians or their allies to carry on war against them after the treaty has been concluded, so long as the tribute is paid. The cities referred to are Argilus, Stagirus, Acanthus, Scolus, Olynthus, and Spartolus. These cities shall be neutral, allies neither of the Lacedaemonians nor of the Athenians: but if the cities consent, it shall be lawful for the Athenians to make them their allies, provided always that the cities wish it. The Mecybernaeans, Sanaeans, and Singaeans shall inhabit their own cities, as also the Olynthians and Acanthians: but the Lacedaemonians and their allies shall give back Panactum to the Athenians.
6. The Athenians shall give back Coryphasium, Cythera, Methana, Lacedaemonians that are in the prison at Athens or elsewhere in the Athenian dominions, and shall let go the Peloponnesians besieged in Scione, and all others in Scione that are allies of the Lacedaemonians, and all whom Brasidas sent in there, and any others of the allies of the Lacedaemonians that may be in the prison at Athens or elsewhere in the Athenian dominions.
7. The Lacedaemonians and their allies shall in like manner give back any of the Athenians or their allies that they may have in their hands.
8. In the case of Scione, Torone, and Sermylium, and any other cities that the Athenians may have, the Athenians may adopt such measures as they please.
9. The Athenians shall take an oath to the Lacedaemonians and their allies, city by city. Every man shall swear by the most binding oath of his country, seventeen from each city. The oath shall be as follows; "I will abide by this agreement and treaty honestly and without deceit." In the same way an oath shall be taken by the Lacedaemonians and their allies to the Athenians: and the oath shall be renewed annually by both parties. Pillars shall be erected at Olympia, Pythia, the Isthmus, at Athens in the Acropolis, and at Lacedaemon in the temple at Amyclae.
10. If anything be forgotten, whatever it be, and on whatever point, it shall be consistent with their oath for both parties, the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, to alter it, according to their discretion.
19The treaty begins from the ephoralty of Pleistolas in Lacedaemon, on the 27th day of the month of Artemisium, and from the archonship, of Alcaeus at Athens, on the 25th day of the month of Elaphebolion. Those who took the oath and poured the libations for the Lacedaemonians were Pleistoanax, Agis, Pleistolas, Damagetis, Chionis, Metagenes, Acanthus, Daithus, Ischagoras, Philocharidas, Zeuxidas, Antippus, Tellis, Alcinadas, Empedias, Menas, and Laphilus: for the Athenians, Lampon, Isthmonicus, Nicias, Laches, Euthydemus, Procles, Pythodorus, Hagnon, Myrtilus, Thrasycles, Theagenes, Aristocrates, Iolcius, Timocrates, Leon, Lamachus, and Demosthenes.
20This treaty was made in the spring, just at the end of winter, directly after the city festival of Dionysus, just ten years, with the difference of a few days, from the first invasion of Attica and the commencement of this war. This must be calculated by the seasons rather than by trusting to the enumeration of the names of the several magistrates or offices of honour that are used to mark past events. Accuracy is impossible where an event may have occurred in the beginning, or middle, or at any period in their tenure of office. But by computing by summers and winters, the method adopted in this history, it will be found that, each of these amounting to half a year, there were ten summers and as many winters contained in this first war.

"We make war so that we may live in peace." Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, Book 10,Chapter 7, 1177b 5-6.
整句是：And happiness is thought to depend on leisure; for we are busy that we may have leisure, and make war that we may live in peace.